当然，很多民联支持者，乃至一般民眾，早就对拉惹柏特拉印象幻灭。去年4月砂拉越州选前夕，他突然出现在第三电视台，讲了很多和他以前的立场相左的谈话。2012年1月3日星期二
2011年3月31日星期四
2010年8月4日星期三
2010年5月10日星期一
2009年6月5日星期五
阿旺，我欠了你甚么？
出处 ∶星洲日报
作者 ∶郑丁贤
发表日期∶2009.06.03
我不认识阿旺士拉末（Awang Selamat) ，但是，他老是阴魂不散，紧跟著我，说我欠了他。
除了银行，我没欠人甚么东西。我所有的一切，从出世时的报生纸，12岁时领取的身份证，22岁买的车子，30岁买的房子……，都是清清白白得来的，包括我的尊严。
更何况，都说了，我根本就不认识阿旺士拉末，我怎么可能会欠他东西？
但是，阿旺士拉末在《马来西亚前锋报》写了一篇文章，题目是《马来人遭到背叛？》，指大马华人是外来者，有欠於人。
我是大马华人，六百万之一；他说华人欠了这个那个；作为华人，我就必须问：“我欠了你甚么？”
还有，我不是外来者。我的报生纸和身份证，以及我的所有资產的文件，都说我是马来西亚公民。
宪法保障我的地位，保护我的权益和財產。我如果做了任何犯法的勾当，也同样受到马来西亚法律的制裁。
当然，我很光荣的说：我有缴交所得税，分文不欠。
况且，我也没有背叛我的马来朋友。我们坦诚交往，平等对待。老友加化请我喝拉茶，我就请他椰浆饭。虽然椰浆饭比拉茶贵了20仙；但是，並不是我有欠於他，而我也不认为是他佔了我的便宜。
对了，阿旺说，308大选之后，马来西亚华人的要求愈来愈多，而且愈来愈种族主义。
大选之后，华人有甚么要求，或者说，有甚么非分的要求？
奖学金？地契？华小？民主？公平？
我所知道的是，这是每一个公民的合理要求，只要符合条件，就应享有，和种族无关。
如果是因为种族肤色而拿不到，必须苦苦爭取，那才是种族主义。至於以种族眼光来看待这种爭取的人，如阿旺，才是种族主义者。
虽然我不知道阿旺是谁，但是，我知道他躲藏在《马来西亚前锋报》的保护网之下。
他可能是一个人，也可能是一群人。他这么针对马来西亚华人，可能有他的隱议程。
律师朋友说，他把大马华裔公民说是外来者，就已经有煽动之嫌。警方应该去查一查。
或者，该有人向警方报案吧，尤其是声称600万华人的代表人物。
**********************************************
Do I owe you anything, Encik Awang?
By TAY TIAN YAN/Translated by DOMINIC LOH/Sin Chew Daily
I do not know who Awang Selamat is, but he keeps haunting me, claiming that I've owed him something!
Other than banks, I don't think I have owed anyone anything.
All the things I've had, from the birth certificate when I was born, to the car I bought at the age of 22, and my house at 30... have all been acquired in a clean way, including my self respect.
Moreover, because I do not know Awang Selamat at all, as I said earlier, how could I possibly owe him anything?
But in an article entitled The Malays are betrayed published on Utusan Malaysia recently, Awang Selamat said Chinese Malaysians were immigrants, and were indebted to the Malays.
I am a Chinese Malaysian, one in the six million. He said the Chinese owed this and owed that, and as a Chinese, I can't help but ask: "What have I owed you?"
Some more, I am not an immigrant. My birth cert and IC, along with all the documents of my assets point to the fact that I am a rightful Malaysian citizen.
The Constitution protects my status, my rights as well as my properties. If I've done anything against the laws, I will be bound by the Malaysian laws, like anyone else.
Of course, I can say proudly that I have paid my income tax and owes not a cent.
Moreover, I have never betrayed my Malay friends. We treat one another sincerely and fairly.
When my old friend Ghaffar buys me teh tarik, I'll get him nasi lemak in return, even though nasi lemak is twenty cents more expensive than teh tarik.
But that's not because I feel I'm indebted to him; neither do I think he's trying to take advantage of me!
Right, Awang said Chinese Malaysians were getting more and more demanding, and racist, after the general elections last March.
What demands, or should I say what excessive demands, have the Chinese voiced up?
Scholarships? Land titles? Chinese primary schools? Democracy? Equality?
All I know is that these are reasonable requests from each and every citizen. As long as they are eligible, they should possess them.
It has nothing to do with race.
If we are denied of these things because of skin colour, then we must fight for them. This is not racism either.
Although I have no idea who Awang is, I know he is hiding under the protective net of Utusan Malaysia.
He may be an individual, or a group of individuals. And he may have his own hidden agendas for his displeasure with Chinese Malaysians.
A lawyer friend told me, it was an act of sedition just to brand ethnic Chinese Malaysians as immigrants, and that the police should probe the incident.
Or perhaps there should be someone making a police report, in particular those who claim they represent the six million Chinese Malaysians.
作者 ∶郑丁贤
发表日期∶2009.06.03
我不认识阿旺士拉末（Awang Selamat) ，但是，他老是阴魂不散，紧跟著我，说我欠了他。
除了银行，我没欠人甚么东西。我所有的一切，从出世时的报生纸，12岁时领取的身份证，22岁买的车子，30岁买的房子……，都是清清白白得来的，包括我的尊严。
更何况，都说了，我根本就不认识阿旺士拉末，我怎么可能会欠他东西？
但是，阿旺士拉末在《马来西亚前锋报》写了一篇文章，题目是《马来人遭到背叛？》，指大马华人是外来者，有欠於人。
我是大马华人，六百万之一；他说华人欠了这个那个；作为华人，我就必须问：“我欠了你甚么？”
还有，我不是外来者。我的报生纸和身份证，以及我的所有资產的文件，都说我是马来西亚公民。
宪法保障我的地位，保护我的权益和財產。我如果做了任何犯法的勾当，也同样受到马来西亚法律的制裁。
当然，我很光荣的说：我有缴交所得税，分文不欠。
况且，我也没有背叛我的马来朋友。我们坦诚交往，平等对待。老友加化请我喝拉茶，我就请他椰浆饭。虽然椰浆饭比拉茶贵了20仙；但是，並不是我有欠於他，而我也不认为是他佔了我的便宜。
对了，阿旺说，308大选之后，马来西亚华人的要求愈来愈多，而且愈来愈种族主义。
大选之后，华人有甚么要求，或者说，有甚么非分的要求？
奖学金？地契？华小？民主？公平？
我所知道的是，这是每一个公民的合理要求，只要符合条件，就应享有，和种族无关。
如果是因为种族肤色而拿不到，必须苦苦爭取，那才是种族主义。至於以种族眼光来看待这种爭取的人，如阿旺，才是种族主义者。
虽然我不知道阿旺是谁，但是，我知道他躲藏在《马来西亚前锋报》的保护网之下。
他可能是一个人，也可能是一群人。他这么针对马来西亚华人，可能有他的隱议程。
律师朋友说，他把大马华裔公民说是外来者，就已经有煽动之嫌。警方应该去查一查。
或者，该有人向警方报案吧，尤其是声称600万华人的代表人物。
**********************************************
Do I owe you anything, Encik Awang?
By TAY TIAN YAN/Translated by DOMINIC LOH/Sin Chew Daily
I do not know who Awang Selamat is, but he keeps haunting me, claiming that I've owed him something!
Other than banks, I don't think I have owed anyone anything.
All the things I've had, from the birth certificate when I was born, to the car I bought at the age of 22, and my house at 30... have all been acquired in a clean way, including my self respect.
Moreover, because I do not know Awang Selamat at all, as I said earlier, how could I possibly owe him anything?
But in an article entitled The Malays are betrayed published on Utusan Malaysia recently, Awang Selamat said Chinese Malaysians were immigrants, and were indebted to the Malays.
I am a Chinese Malaysian, one in the six million. He said the Chinese owed this and owed that, and as a Chinese, I can't help but ask: "What have I owed you?"
Some more, I am not an immigrant. My birth cert and IC, along with all the documents of my assets point to the fact that I am a rightful Malaysian citizen.
The Constitution protects my status, my rights as well as my properties. If I've done anything against the laws, I will be bound by the Malaysian laws, like anyone else.
Of course, I can say proudly that I have paid my income tax and owes not a cent.
Moreover, I have never betrayed my Malay friends. We treat one another sincerely and fairly.
When my old friend Ghaffar buys me teh tarik, I'll get him nasi lemak in return, even though nasi lemak is twenty cents more expensive than teh tarik.
But that's not because I feel I'm indebted to him; neither do I think he's trying to take advantage of me!
Right, Awang said Chinese Malaysians were getting more and more demanding, and racist, after the general elections last March.
What demands, or should I say what excessive demands, have the Chinese voiced up?
Scholarships? Land titles? Chinese primary schools? Democracy? Equality?
All I know is that these are reasonable requests from each and every citizen. As long as they are eligible, they should possess them.
It has nothing to do with race.
If we are denied of these things because of skin colour, then we must fight for them. This is not racism either.
Although I have no idea who Awang is, I know he is hiding under the protective net of Utusan Malaysia.
He may be an individual, or a group of individuals. And he may have his own hidden agendas for his displeasure with Chinese Malaysians.
A lawyer friend told me, it was an act of sedition just to brand ethnic Chinese Malaysians as immigrants, and that the police should probe the incident.
Or perhaps there should be someone making a police report, in particular those who claim they represent the six million Chinese Malaysians.
2009年4月18日星期六
郑丁贤：全民反高潮
出处 ∶星洲日报
原题 ∶全民反高潮
英译题目∶Anti-climax
作者 ∶郑丁贤
发表日期∶16-04-09
翻译 ∶DOMINIC LOH
![[Bangkitlah+Melayu.jpg]](https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqyRvO_Jj0e7ITkWw-hqootp-W0ykaTseyTNwfzzqrnz8mr669I5qJdZeAxdLGB9k7eSfEqAUAbic7UDVu1d7PAbDbp42pnf2dyF41O9TFXcknK1OcPVDn2DaHKtn4Zf91JiFnLmYWNIBC/s1600/Bangkitlah+Melayu.jpg)
又是《马来西亚前锋报》；它好像是一个失去控制的自走炮，任意轰炸。
它前日的封面版，刊登一张首相纳吉出席锡克族人过节的照片。当时，纳吉前往吉隆坡的锡克庙，在锡克族的簇拥下，现场还亲手烧了一块煎饼（Capati）。
这张照片，各报都有；也很配合纳吉宣导的「全民的马来西亚」，塑造一种团结友善的气氛，也营造新首相亲民的形象。
到这里，一切正常。
但是，照片上端，是「Bangkitlah Melayu」（站起来吧，马来人），特大字的標题，从读者眼瞳直透脑部，在中枢神经炸开。
这是它当天的封面头条。明眼人一眼看出，这根本不是新闻，而是编辑人员刻意安排的“非新闻”，说穿了，就是製造某种特定的议程。
配合议程，它访问一些马来右派团体的人物，包括搞风搞雨的依布拉欣阿里，述说马来人分裂，族群政治力量被削弱，华人和印人趁机提出各种“非分”的要求。
它的重点是，马来人必须团结一致，站起来，面对非马来人日趋过分的要求。
看到这个封面，再对照纳吉出席锡克族节庆的照片，是哑然失笑，还是摇头嘆息？
我自己的感觉，是哭笑不得。
这是一种「反高潮」（anti-climax）。好比电影院里，剧情进入高潮，大家全神贯注时，突然，旁边的小孩一声尖叫，嚎啕大哭。
完了，情绪散了，氛围没了，戏也看不下去了。
纳吉一番苦心经营的「全民的马来西亚」，被这家巫统控制的报章，当头浇了一盆冷水。
新任首相千叮嚀，万交待，要人民走出种族思维，不要有肤色之分，要团结互助……此时，感觉有点走味。
我不敢想像，如果一家华文报打出「站起来吧，华人」的標题，它的后果是如何。
不过，可以確定，《马来西亚前锋报》会安然无事，继续搞风搞雨，玩弄族群对立。
它可以独立在「全民的马来西亚」之外，拥有自己的马来西亚。
而且，它的记者编辑，不需要回到学校，重新学习。
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
It's Utusan Malaysia again. Like an automatic artillery that has gone out of control.
On its front cover two days ago, it published a picture of PM Najib attending a Sikh festivity.
Najib was at a Sikh temple in KL, and surrounded by enthusiastic Sikhs, he made a capati on the spot.
The same photo, which was published in almost every other newspaper, augurs well with Najib's "One Malaysia" concept to mould a truly united and amicable environment, while protruding the new prime minister's approachable image.
Everything has been perfectly normal, up to this point.
But on top of the picture, there was this bold headline: "Bangkitlah Melayu!" (Rise up Malays).
These two words were transmitted from the reader's pupils straight up to the brain, and got blasted off in the central nervous system.
That, was the cover story on that day.
Any sensible soul could tell this was not news, but "non-news" willfully designed by the newspaper's editors.
To put it in a more crude manner, some kind of specific agenda had been created.
In line with that agenda, the newspaper interviewed some controversial figures from a few right-wing Malay organisations, including Ibrahim Ali, who talked about disunity in the Malay community and weakening of their political forces, paving way for the Chinese and Indians to bring up "excessive" demands.
The main point was: the Malays must rise up and stay united to oppose the increasingly excessive demands from non-bumiputras!
Reading the headline, and comparing that to the picture of Najib attending the Sikh festivity, I couldn't help but shook my head in bewilderment.
I didn't know whether I should laugh or cry over such a glaring antithesis.
This is some kind of "anti-climax," like a child suddenly shrieks and bursts into tears just as the movie reaches a climax in the cinema hall.
Good heavens, the emotion is lost, the atmosphere gone, and the movie no longer captures the audience's hearts.
The "One Malaysia" concept so painstakingly designed by the prime minister is now poured with cold water by this UMNO-controlled daily.
The new prime minister has repeatedly urged Malaysians to walk out of their racial confines and stay united.
I can't imagine what will happen if a Chinese newspaper has churned out a similarly toned headline: "Rise up Chinese!"
But one thing we can be sure of: Nothing is going to happen to Utusan Malaysia, and the newspaper can continue to play up racial issues and manipulate racial emotions.
It can stay solitarily outside the "One Malaysia," and embrace its own version of Malaysia.
原题 ∶全民反高潮
英译题目∶Anti-climax
作者 ∶郑丁贤
发表日期∶16-04-09
翻译 ∶DOMINIC LOH
它前日的封面版，刊登一张首相纳吉出席锡克族人过节的照片。当时，纳吉前往吉隆坡的锡克庙，在锡克族的簇拥下，现场还亲手烧了一块煎饼（Capati）。
这张照片，各报都有；也很配合纳吉宣导的「全民的马来西亚」，塑造一种团结友善的气氛，也营造新首相亲民的形象。
到这里，一切正常。
但是，照片上端，是「Bangkitlah Melayu」（站起来吧，马来人），特大字的標题，从读者眼瞳直透脑部，在中枢神经炸开。
这是它当天的封面头条。明眼人一眼看出，这根本不是新闻，而是编辑人员刻意安排的“非新闻”，说穿了，就是製造某种特定的议程。
配合议程，它访问一些马来右派团体的人物，包括搞风搞雨的依布拉欣阿里，述说马来人分裂，族群政治力量被削弱，华人和印人趁机提出各种“非分”的要求。
它的重点是，马来人必须团结一致，站起来，面对非马来人日趋过分的要求。
看到这个封面，再对照纳吉出席锡克族节庆的照片，是哑然失笑，还是摇头嘆息？
我自己的感觉，是哭笑不得。
这是一种「反高潮」（anti-climax）。好比电影院里，剧情进入高潮，大家全神贯注时，突然，旁边的小孩一声尖叫，嚎啕大哭。
完了，情绪散了，氛围没了，戏也看不下去了。
纳吉一番苦心经营的「全民的马来西亚」，被这家巫统控制的报章，当头浇了一盆冷水。
新任首相千叮嚀，万交待，要人民走出种族思维，不要有肤色之分，要团结互助……此时，感觉有点走味。
我不敢想像，如果一家华文报打出「站起来吧，华人」的標题，它的后果是如何。
不过，可以確定，《马来西亚前锋报》会安然无事，继续搞风搞雨，玩弄族群对立。
它可以独立在「全民的马来西亚」之外，拥有自己的马来西亚。
而且，它的记者编辑，不需要回到学校，重新学习。
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
It's Utusan Malaysia again. Like an automatic artillery that has gone out of control.
On its front cover two days ago, it published a picture of PM Najib attending a Sikh festivity.
Najib was at a Sikh temple in KL, and surrounded by enthusiastic Sikhs, he made a capati on the spot.
The same photo, which was published in almost every other newspaper, augurs well with Najib's "One Malaysia" concept to mould a truly united and amicable environment, while protruding the new prime minister's approachable image.
Everything has been perfectly normal, up to this point.
But on top of the picture, there was this bold headline: "Bangkitlah Melayu!" (Rise up Malays).
These two words were transmitted from the reader's pupils straight up to the brain, and got blasted off in the central nervous system.
That, was the cover story on that day.
Any sensible soul could tell this was not news, but "non-news" willfully designed by the newspaper's editors.
To put it in a more crude manner, some kind of specific agenda had been created.
In line with that agenda, the newspaper interviewed some controversial figures from a few right-wing Malay organisations, including Ibrahim Ali, who talked about disunity in the Malay community and weakening of their political forces, paving way for the Chinese and Indians to bring up "excessive" demands.
The main point was: the Malays must rise up and stay united to oppose the increasingly excessive demands from non-bumiputras!
Reading the headline, and comparing that to the picture of Najib attending the Sikh festivity, I couldn't help but shook my head in bewilderment.
I didn't know whether I should laugh or cry over such a glaring antithesis.
This is some kind of "anti-climax," like a child suddenly shrieks and bursts into tears just as the movie reaches a climax in the cinema hall.
Good heavens, the emotion is lost, the atmosphere gone, and the movie no longer captures the audience's hearts.
The "One Malaysia" concept so painstakingly designed by the prime minister is now poured with cold water by this UMNO-controlled daily.
The new prime minister has repeatedly urged Malaysians to walk out of their racial confines and stay united.
I can't imagine what will happen if a Chinese newspaper has churned out a similarly toned headline: "Rise up Chinese!"
But one thing we can be sure of: Nothing is going to happen to Utusan Malaysia, and the newspaper can continue to play up racial issues and manipulate racial emotions.
It can stay solitarily outside the "One Malaysia," and embrace its own version of Malaysia.
2009年4月17日星期五
郑丁贤：剃头政治
出处∶星洲日报
中文原题∶马荷加尼：剃头政治
英译题目∶An eye for an eye
作者 ∶郑丁贤
发表日期∶14-04-09
翻译 ∶DOMINIC LOH
变天（这里的读音是『夺权』）是传染病，跨州感染。
在霹雳州，国阵变民联的天；在登嘉楼，国阵变国阵的天。
登嘉楼更有趣。1年前，阿末赛益抢了依德里斯的州务大臣，1年后，依德里斯联合同僚，要夺回这个位子；公开出面的是他的亲信罗索华希。
你剃了別人的头，別人也在等机会，剃你的头。
登嘉楼州议会有32个席位，巫统佔23个，马华一个，回教党8个。
依德里斯这一边，已经掌握10个巫统议员，另外还有几人也已暗通款曲；他们不会做没有把握的事。
阿末赛益在登嘉楼巫统原本就不是主流，无法统御州巫统；即使做了一年的州务大臣，还是弱势。
但是，他也不是纸糊的，一推就倒。
他是苏丹钦点的州务大臣。正因为苏丹坚持，他才能逼退依德里斯，坐上大臣位子。
这是阿末赛益的护身符。
几天前，就已经传出阿末赛益的地位岌岌可危，当时，他还老神在在说，任何变动，还要问苏丹才行。
双方公开扯破脸之后，苏丹的態度很关键。
如果苏丹不介入，依德里斯就有机会成功夺权。
若是苏丹力挺阿末赛益，依德里斯的目的就很难得逞。
巫统中央的立场其实很矛盾；州巫统是党阀政治，党中央只能斡旋，而不能控制。党中央一方面不愿得罪地方势力，另一方面，也不能和苏丹唱反调。
巫统在霹雳指尼查不接受苏丹决定，是『叛君』行为；在登嘉楼，它怎能用同一块石头来砸自己的脚。
况且，巫统正在拉拢王室力量，它又怎能和王室对抗。
州巫统决裂，回教党就待价而沽。一旦在议会提呈不信任动议，还得看回教党议员的態度。
组织联合政府，是另一个选项。
到了最后关头，阿末赛益还有保命绝招，就是寻求苏丹同意，解散州议会。
一旦这么做，就是剃巫统的头了。
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"Change of government" (read "seizing of power") is an infectious disease that spreads from state to state.
In Perak, Barisan Nasional seized the power from Pakatan Rakyat; and in Terengganu, it is BN seizing the power from BN.
The case in Terengganu is of particular interest.
A year ago, Ahamd Said seized the menteri besar post from Idris, and one year later, Idris wants to take back his seat with the help from a few comrades. And his close ally Rosol Wahid has nothing to hide of his intention.
You shaved other people's head, and other people are awaiting the opportunity to serve you the same.
There are 32 state assembly seats in Terengganu. UMNO has secured 23, MCA 1 and PAS 8.
Idris already has ten UMNO assemblymen on his side, and a few others are keen to cross over.
They are not going to do anything they are not confident of.
Ahmad Said has never been in the state political mainstream, and has problem steering the state UMNO. Even after a year in office as MB, he is still seen by many as weak.
Nevertheless, he is also not too vulnerable, ready to be toppled anytime.
He is the menteri besar anointed by the Sultan. He has been able to grab the menteri besar seat merely because of the Sultan's insistence.
And that is his talisman.
Several days ago, it was rumoured that Ahmad Said's status was precarious, but he said confidently any change to the status quo would need the Sultan's consent.
When the two sides are locked in a tough fight, the Sultan's attitude will become critical.
If the Sultan stays out of this business, Idris will have his day.
But if the Sultan lends his full support to Ahmad Said, then Idris will have a hard time pursuing his intent.
The UMNO central leadership's stand is contradictory. The party central could only mediate, not dominate.
While the party central is unwilling to offend the local forces, it is also not going to do anything against the Sultan's will.
If UMNO has branded Nizar Jamaluddin a traitor for openly defying the Sultan's orders, how could it smash its own leg with the same rock in Terengganu?
Moreover, UMNO is still trying to enlist the support of the royalty, and is therefore most unlikely to confront the royalty.
When the state UMNO is torn apart, PAS is closely evaluating the situation. Once the no-confidence motion is tabled in the state assembly, all eyes will now fall on PAS assemblymen's attitude.
Forming a coalition government could be another option.
In the end, Ahmad Said still has his last straw: to get the Sultan's consent to dissolve the state assembly.
中文原题∶马荷加尼：剃头政治
英译题目∶An eye for an eye
作者 ∶郑丁贤
发表日期∶14-04-09
翻译 ∶DOMINIC LOH
变天（这里的读音是『夺权』）是传染病，跨州感染。
在霹雳州，国阵变民联的天；在登嘉楼，国阵变国阵的天。
登嘉楼更有趣。1年前，阿末赛益抢了依德里斯的州务大臣，1年后，依德里斯联合同僚，要夺回这个位子；公开出面的是他的亲信罗索华希。
你剃了別人的头，別人也在等机会，剃你的头。
登嘉楼州议会有32个席位，巫统佔23个，马华一个，回教党8个。
依德里斯这一边，已经掌握10个巫统议员，另外还有几人也已暗通款曲；他们不会做没有把握的事。
阿末赛益在登嘉楼巫统原本就不是主流，无法统御州巫统；即使做了一年的州务大臣，还是弱势。
但是，他也不是纸糊的，一推就倒。
他是苏丹钦点的州务大臣。正因为苏丹坚持，他才能逼退依德里斯，坐上大臣位子。
这是阿末赛益的护身符。
几天前，就已经传出阿末赛益的地位岌岌可危，当时，他还老神在在说，任何变动，还要问苏丹才行。
双方公开扯破脸之后，苏丹的態度很关键。
如果苏丹不介入，依德里斯就有机会成功夺权。
若是苏丹力挺阿末赛益，依德里斯的目的就很难得逞。
巫统中央的立场其实很矛盾；州巫统是党阀政治，党中央只能斡旋，而不能控制。党中央一方面不愿得罪地方势力，另一方面，也不能和苏丹唱反调。
巫统在霹雳指尼查不接受苏丹决定，是『叛君』行为；在登嘉楼，它怎能用同一块石头来砸自己的脚。
况且，巫统正在拉拢王室力量，它又怎能和王室对抗。
州巫统决裂，回教党就待价而沽。一旦在议会提呈不信任动议，还得看回教党议员的態度。
组织联合政府，是另一个选项。
到了最后关头，阿末赛益还有保命绝招，就是寻求苏丹同意，解散州议会。
一旦这么做，就是剃巫统的头了。
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"Change of government" (read "seizing of power") is an infectious disease that spreads from state to state.
In Perak, Barisan Nasional seized the power from Pakatan Rakyat; and in Terengganu, it is BN seizing the power from BN.
The case in Terengganu is of particular interest.
A year ago, Ahamd Said seized the menteri besar post from Idris, and one year later, Idris wants to take back his seat with the help from a few comrades. And his close ally Rosol Wahid has nothing to hide of his intention.
You shaved other people's head, and other people are awaiting the opportunity to serve you the same.
There are 32 state assembly seats in Terengganu. UMNO has secured 23, MCA 1 and PAS 8.
Idris already has ten UMNO assemblymen on his side, and a few others are keen to cross over.
They are not going to do anything they are not confident of.
Ahmad Said has never been in the state political mainstream, and has problem steering the state UMNO. Even after a year in office as MB, he is still seen by many as weak.
Nevertheless, he is also not too vulnerable, ready to be toppled anytime.
He is the menteri besar anointed by the Sultan. He has been able to grab the menteri besar seat merely because of the Sultan's insistence.
And that is his talisman.
Several days ago, it was rumoured that Ahmad Said's status was precarious, but he said confidently any change to the status quo would need the Sultan's consent.
When the two sides are locked in a tough fight, the Sultan's attitude will become critical.
If the Sultan stays out of this business, Idris will have his day.
But if the Sultan lends his full support to Ahmad Said, then Idris will have a hard time pursuing his intent.
The UMNO central leadership's stand is contradictory. The party central could only mediate, not dominate.
While the party central is unwilling to offend the local forces, it is also not going to do anything against the Sultan's will.
If UMNO has branded Nizar Jamaluddin a traitor for openly defying the Sultan's orders, how could it smash its own leg with the same rock in Terengganu?
Moreover, UMNO is still trying to enlist the support of the royalty, and is therefore most unlikely to confront the royalty.
When the state UMNO is torn apart, PAS is closely evaluating the situation. Once the no-confidence motion is tabled in the state assembly, all eyes will now fall on PAS assemblymen's attitude.
Forming a coalition government could be another option.
In the end, Ahmad Said still has his last straw: to get the Sultan's consent to dissolve the state assembly.
2009年4月14日星期二
郑丁贤：內阁老面孔多
出处 ∶星洲日报
英译原题∶Plenty of old faces in new Cabinet
作者 ∶郑丁贤
发表日期∶09-04-09
翻译 ∶DOMINIC LOH
新內阁阵容，论人数，部长少了3人，从31降至28；论部门，有两个旧部门合併，不过，也增设了一个新部门。
在新人欠缺之下，各项调整，主要是反映成员党人事的变动。
巫统党选的胜利者，得到了高回酬；只是，职位的安排，出乎意料。慕尤丁受委副首相理所当然；但是，他未兼贸工部长，而是教育部，这和他的財经背景和经歷有所出入。纳吉的解释是，兼任教长，慕尤丁將有更多的时间留在国內。
希山被认为会留在教育部，但是，却调到內政部；这个部门，主导警察、审查、意识形態等，是执政党的护身符。
过去很长时间，內政部长多由首相或副首相兼任，或是资深巫统部长担任。此次交到相当年轻的希山，显示纳吉对他的特別信任。
另一位纳吉的亲信，阿末扎希担任防长，可以巩固纳吉在国防部的实力；而沙菲益阿达出掌乡村发展部，虽然不是很重要的部门，不过，有利於他发展基层力量。
一些老一辈的人物，还是留在新內阁。莱益士、诺莫哈末、纳兹里等，看来是平衡作用。
马华部长一如所料，黄家泉党选失利而去职，换上了得高票的副总会长江作汉；而黄燕燕能留下来，倒有点慰劳性质。
中选巫青团长的凯里没有入阁，倒是落选的慕克力出任副部长，有悖常理；不过，凯里党选时涉及金钱政治问题，未能洗刷清白，应是主因。
新內阁没有延揽民间的党外人士加入，有別於马哈迪和阿都拉的作风；或者，职位原本就僧多粥少，而少数个別专业人士加入，能发挥多大作用，仍待观察。
总的来说，纳吉的內阁旧人多，新人少，算不上有突破；不过，在人事部署和政策协调上，却是安全的做法。
除非国阵成员党本身打破即有的框架，引进大量新生代人才，以及他们能够中选人民代议士，进而加入政府领导层；否则，欠缺活水注入会很辛苦。
Talking about size, there are three fewer ministers in the new Cabinet line-up, a drop from 31 to 28.
Talking about the ministries, two ministries have been merged, but a new one has also been set up.
Where there is a lack of new faces, the various adjustments made mainly reflect the personnel changes taking place within BN's various component parties.
Muhyiddin Yassin is naturally the choice for DPM, but he is not offered the trade and indutries portfolio this time, but education, which is way out from his financial background and experience.
Najib's explanation: As the education minister, Muhyiddin will have more time staying back in the country!
Hishamuddin has been anticipated to keep his education portfolio, but now finds himself landed in the home ministry. This ministry controls the country's police force, auditing, political ideologies and a host more, and is an amulet for the ruling party.
Over a very long time in the past, the home ministry has been headed either by the prime minister or the deputy prime minister, or at least a senior UMNO minister.
The post is now in the hands of a relatively young Hishamuddin, showing that Najib indeed has a lot of confidence in him.
"The winners in UMNO's party elections have been rewarded handsomely, but the arrangement of Cabinet posts has been rather unexpected."
Another trusted follower of Najib, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has been appointed the defence minister, which should consolidate Najib's influences in the defence ministry. As for Shafie Apdal, he is given the rural and regional portfolio, which although is not a key post, should help him develop his grassroots support.
Some of the old faces are reinstated. Rais Yatim, Nor Mohamed Yakcop and Nazri are seen to be there to balance the power structure.
As widely expected, MCA's Ong Ka Chuan has been dropped, while Kong Cho Ha and Ng Yen Yen stay on.
The newly elected UMNO Youth chairman Khairy Jamaluddin has been excluded from Najib's list, but his defeated opponent Mukhriz Mahathir is offered a deputy ministerial post, which is quite unusual.
Nevertheless, as Khairy has been implicated in money politics during the party elections and has yet to be able to clear his name, that should probably explain why he is kept out of the Cabinet.
The new Cabinet has not included non-partisan individuals, a distinct departure from Mahathir and Abdullah's styles. Owing to the reduced number of posts available, the inclusion of a few professionals should perhaps play a more pronounced role in the new Cabinet.
Generally speaking, there are a whole lot more old faces than new ones in Najib's Cabinet, which shouldn't be called a breakthrough by any measure. But where personnel deployment and policy coordination are concerned, it should have been a rather safe thing to do.
Unless BN's component parties could break through their existing confines to recruit plenty of new blood, and these new guys can become elected representatives and subsequently join the administrative line-up, it will be very hard to inject more new blood in a dearth of living water.
英译原题∶Plenty of old faces in new Cabinet
作者 ∶郑丁贤
发表日期∶09-04-09
翻译 ∶DOMINIC LOH
新內阁阵容，论人数，部长少了3人，从31降至28；论部门，有两个旧部门合併，不过，也增设了一个新部门。
在新人欠缺之下，各项调整，主要是反映成员党人事的变动。
巫统党选的胜利者，得到了高回酬；只是，职位的安排，出乎意料。慕尤丁受委副首相理所当然；但是，他未兼贸工部长，而是教育部，这和他的財经背景和经歷有所出入。纳吉的解释是，兼任教长，慕尤丁將有更多的时间留在国內。
希山被认为会留在教育部，但是，却调到內政部；这个部门，主导警察、审查、意识形態等，是执政党的护身符。
过去很长时间，內政部长多由首相或副首相兼任，或是资深巫统部长担任。此次交到相当年轻的希山，显示纳吉对他的特別信任。
另一位纳吉的亲信，阿末扎希担任防长，可以巩固纳吉在国防部的实力；而沙菲益阿达出掌乡村发展部，虽然不是很重要的部门，不过，有利於他发展基层力量。
一些老一辈的人物，还是留在新內阁。莱益士、诺莫哈末、纳兹里等，看来是平衡作用。
马华部长一如所料，黄家泉党选失利而去职，换上了得高票的副总会长江作汉；而黄燕燕能留下来，倒有点慰劳性质。
中选巫青团长的凯里没有入阁，倒是落选的慕克力出任副部长，有悖常理；不过，凯里党选时涉及金钱政治问题，未能洗刷清白，应是主因。
新內阁没有延揽民间的党外人士加入，有別於马哈迪和阿都拉的作风；或者，职位原本就僧多粥少，而少数个別专业人士加入，能发挥多大作用，仍待观察。
总的来说，纳吉的內阁旧人多，新人少，算不上有突破；不过，在人事部署和政策协调上，却是安全的做法。
除非国阵成员党本身打破即有的框架，引进大量新生代人才，以及他们能够中选人民代议士，进而加入政府领导层；否则，欠缺活水注入会很辛苦。
Talking about size, there are three fewer ministers in the new Cabinet line-up, a drop from 31 to 28.
Talking about the ministries, two ministries have been merged, but a new one has also been set up.
Where there is a lack of new faces, the various adjustments made mainly reflect the personnel changes taking place within BN's various component parties.
Muhyiddin Yassin is naturally the choice for DPM, but he is not offered the trade and indutries portfolio this time, but education, which is way out from his financial background and experience.
Najib's explanation: As the education minister, Muhyiddin will have more time staying back in the country!
Hishamuddin has been anticipated to keep his education portfolio, but now finds himself landed in the home ministry. This ministry controls the country's police force, auditing, political ideologies and a host more, and is an amulet for the ruling party.
Over a very long time in the past, the home ministry has been headed either by the prime minister or the deputy prime minister, or at least a senior UMNO minister.
The post is now in the hands of a relatively young Hishamuddin, showing that Najib indeed has a lot of confidence in him.
"The winners in UMNO's party elections have been rewarded handsomely, but the arrangement of Cabinet posts has been rather unexpected."
Another trusted follower of Najib, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has been appointed the defence minister, which should consolidate Najib's influences in the defence ministry. As for Shafie Apdal, he is given the rural and regional portfolio, which although is not a key post, should help him develop his grassroots support.
Some of the old faces are reinstated. Rais Yatim, Nor Mohamed Yakcop and Nazri are seen to be there to balance the power structure.
As widely expected, MCA's Ong Ka Chuan has been dropped, while Kong Cho Ha and Ng Yen Yen stay on.
The newly elected UMNO Youth chairman Khairy Jamaluddin has been excluded from Najib's list, but his defeated opponent Mukhriz Mahathir is offered a deputy ministerial post, which is quite unusual.
Nevertheless, as Khairy has been implicated in money politics during the party elections and has yet to be able to clear his name, that should probably explain why he is kept out of the Cabinet.
The new Cabinet has not included non-partisan individuals, a distinct departure from Mahathir and Abdullah's styles. Owing to the reduced number of posts available, the inclusion of a few professionals should perhaps play a more pronounced role in the new Cabinet.
Generally speaking, there are a whole lot more old faces than new ones in Najib's Cabinet, which shouldn't be called a breakthrough by any measure. But where personnel deployment and policy coordination are concerned, it should have been a rather safe thing to do.
Unless BN's component parties could break through their existing confines to recruit plenty of new blood, and these new guys can become elected representatives and subsequently join the administrative line-up, it will be very hard to inject more new blood in a dearth of living water.
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