奥巴马发表国情咨文全文（中英版）

2010年1月27日晚，奥巴马总统在美国国会参众两院发表国情咨文（State of the Union）。以下是国情咨文的全文，由美国国务院国际信息局(IIP)根据白宫新闻秘书办公室提供的记录稿翻译。

白宫

新闻秘书办公室

2010年美东时间1月27日晚上9时

各位女士、副总统拜登先生，各位国会议员、尊敬的来宾以及全体美国人民：

　　我们的宪法规定，美国总统需定时向国会报告国家情况。在过去220年的时间里，无论是繁荣和平时期，还是战争或危机时期，甚至即使存在激烈的冲突和战斗，历届美国总统都完成了这一使命。

　　这些历史时刻吸引着我们去回顾并呈现出我们的进步是不可避免的，美国一直注定会取得成功。然而，当美国股市持续了10年的牛市崩溃、盟军于奥马哈海滩登陆时，我们一直拥有的胜利曾遭受质疑。那个“黑色星期二”以及游行民众在那个流血的星期日被镇压时，美国的未来充满了不确定性。这些都是历史上考验我们的信念和美国力量的时刻。无论我们拥有怎样的分歧，是否犹豫并感到恐惧，美国最终取得了胜利，因为我们选择团结起来作为一个国家、一个民族前进。

　　今天，我们再一次面临着历史的考验，我们也再一次必须接受历史的挑战。

　　一年前，美国处于两场战争之中，经济遭遇严重衰退，金融体系处在崩溃边缘，政府深陷债务之中，我在这样的一个时刻当选了美国总统。不同政治派别的专家对我们提出警告，如果我们不采取行动，我们可能会面临第二次经济大萧条。所以我们果断而迅速地采取了行动，一年后的今天，最糟糕的暴风雨时期已经过去了。

　　但是，危机带来的灾难性影响还在继续，现在仍有十分之一的美国人没有工作。许多企业关闭，房屋价格下降，小的城镇和乡村受到的冲击更加严重。对那些本已很贫穷的人来说，生活变得更加艰难。

　　这次经济危机使美国家庭几十年来承载的重压进一步恶化。美国家庭一直面临一种重负，即他们长时间而努力地工作，但获得的报酬并无法实现为退休储蓄或帮助孩子完成大学教育。

　　所以，我能够了解人们现在的焦虑，这些焦虑并不是新出现的问题，而解决这些问题正是我竞选美国总统的目的所在。几年来，在埃尔克哈特、盖尔斯堡、印第安纳州和伊利诺伊州，我亲眼目睹了人们的困境，我也从每晚阅读的信件中了解了许多。最让人难过的是阅读那些孩子的来信，孩子们在信中询问为什么他们必须从家里搬出来，或者他们的爸爸妈妈什么时候才能恢复工作。

　　对这些美国公民以及其它一些人来说，改变的到来似乎过于缓慢。一些人已感到灰心，还有一些人甚至感到愤怒。他们无法理解为什么看起来华尔街那些不好的行为却受到了嘉奖，而普通民众努力工作却没有回报；为什么政府看起来似乎不能够或不愿意解决人们的问题；他们已经厌烦了党派分歧、叫喊和卑劣的争斗。

　　所以，我们面临着巨大而艰难的挑战。美国人希望看到的、也是他们应该看到的，是我们所有人，无论民主党人士还是共和党人士，能够解决我们之间的分歧，克服我们两党之间已近乎麻木的偏袒，那些为我们投票使我们今天能够站在这里的人们，他们拥有不同的背景和信仰，但他们所担忧的也和我们一样。他们都持有共同的愿望，即一份能够获得薪水支付帐单的工作，一个能够在生活中不断进步的机会，最重要的是，能够有能力为他们的孩子提供更好的生活。

　　知道他们还共同拥有什么吗？那就是面对逆境顽强的韧性。在经历了几乎是美国历史上最困难的一年后，他们仍然忙于建造汽车、教育孩子、开展生意以及回到学校读书，他们为小社团提供辅导并帮助邻居，正如一位女性民众给我的信中写道：“我们对当前感觉担忧但同时也充满希望，我们在努力奋斗并被鼓励。”

　　正是因为这种精神，这种伟大的尊严和力量，使我从未像今晚这样对美国的未来充满希望。尽管我们目前情况艰难，但我们的国家十分强大。我们永远不会放弃，不会停止努力，不会允许恐惧或者分歧破坏我们这种宝贵的精神。在这个全新的10年里，美国人将拥有与他们的尊严相称、能够代表他们力量的政府。

　　今晚，我们将讨论如何共同履行这一承诺。

　　首先，要始于我们的经济。

　　在我上任之初，最迫切的任务就是支撑那些引起危机的银行免于倒闭。这并不是一项容易的任务。如果说民主党和共和党曾就某件事达成共识的话，那就是我们都不愿对银行实施救助。

　　然而，在我竞选总统的时候，我就曾承诺不会只做那些受公众欢迎的事，而是做必须要做的事。假如我们任由金融体系崩溃，我们或许将面对双倍于当前水平的失业率。无疑更多的企业将关闭，也必将会有更多人失去他们的住所。

　　所以，我决定支持上届政府创建的金融救助项目，并在我们实施这一项目时，竭力对其负责并增加透明度。现在，美国市场已经稳定，并且我们已经收回了向银行业发放的大部分救助资金。

　　为了实现其它领域的复苏，我已经提议向大型银行征税。我知道这一想法一定不会受到华尔街的欢迎，但是如果这些企业能够重新承担高额的奖金发放，他们也一定能够承担适当的费用，回报在其需要救助时向他们伸出援手的纳税人。

　　随着金融体系的稳定，我们也逐渐重新恢复了经济增长，同时尽可能地保留住了更多的工作岗位，并帮助了那些失去工作的美国民众。

　　这也是为什么我们能够为1800多万美国失业人员延长或增加了失业津贴，使得统一综合预算汇编法案(COBRA)覆盖的美国家庭医疗保险费用下降65%，并通过了25项不同的税收减免政策。

　　让我来重申一下：我们大举削减税收，为95%的工薪家庭减税，为小型企业和首次购房者、为那些需要照顾孩子的父母、为800万支付学费的美国大学生实施减税，使得数百万美国人能够拥有更多资金花费在汽油、食物和其它生活必需品上，所有这些努力都帮助企业保留了更多的工作岗位。同时，我们没有向任何一人增收哪怕一点点个人所得税，一分钱都没有增加。

　　正是由于我们采取的一系列举措，使得约200万本可能失业的企业员工现在仍能继续工作。其中包括20万建筑业和清洁能源领域从业2人员，30万教师及其它教育行业工作人员，数万名的警察、消防队员和惩教人员等。并且现在，我们正在逐步努力在今年年底前继续增加150万个工作岗位。

　　是《复兴法案》(Recovery Act)使得所有这一切，从消减税收到创造就业的实现成为可能，没错，正是《复兴法案》，也就是人们通常所称的《刺激法案》帮助避免了更大灾难的到来。

　　凤凰城的那些小型企业，因为《复兴法案》而增加了两倍的劳动力；费城的橱窗制造商表示他曾对这一法案持怀疑态度，但当他由于业务的增加不得不增加两组工人倒班工作时，他改变了最初的看法；还有那些需要抚养孩子的教师，当他们被校长告知由于《复兴法案》而无需被解雇时，他们是多么地高兴。

　　美国各地充满了诸如此类的事例。危机爆发两年后，美国经济重新恢复了增长，投资活动也再次开始活跃起来，尽管步伐缓慢，但一些劳动力也开始恢复工作。

　　当然，我已意识到伴随成功故事总会出现其它一些事例。一些承担了深度痛苦的人、那些不断投递出简历却日复一日始终没有回应的人们不知道他们的未来在哪里。这就是为什么创造就业将是我们2010年的首要任务，也是我今晚为什么要提议一份新的就业议案的原因所在。

　　美国创造就业的实际动力始终源于企业，但是政府可以为企业扩大雇员规模创造必要的条件首先，我们应该开始于主要创建新就业岗位的小型企业领域。小型企业依靠其毅力和决心，度过了经济危机的难关，正准备进入成长阶段。然而，当你与宾夕法尼亚州、伊利里亚州或者俄亥俄州的小型企业主交谈时，你会发现即使华尔街的各家银行已经恢复信贷，但大部分资金都流向了大型企业，资金筹集仍然是全国小型企业共同面临的困难。

　　所以今晚，我提议将华尔街银行归还的300亿美元救助资金用来帮助社区银行为小型企业提供发展所需的信贷。此外，我还将提议一项面向增加新雇员或上调职员工资的小型企业的税收抵免政策。当政策得以实施时，让我们也一并取消向小型企业进行投资所需缴纳的资本利得税，并面向所有投资建立新工厂和设备的企业、不论大小均实施税收激励政策。

　　另外，我们将要通过为当前美国人创造就业机会，同时为美国未来的基础设施建设贡献力量。从第一条铁路建成到州际公路系统，我们的国家一直在建设之中。没有理由只有欧洲或中国拥有最快的火车以及那些生产洁净能源产品的工厂。

　　明天，我将前往佛罗里达州坦帕市，依靠《复兴法案》的专项资金，工人们很快将在那里动工修建一条新的高速铁路。接下来美国各地都将有相似的项目陆续展开，这将帮助我们创造更多的就业岗位，并帮助美国朝着更好、更信息化、更具服务性的方向发展。我们将使更多的美国人参与到建立洁净能源设施的工作中来，并使那些提高能源效率、支持洁净能源建设的家庭享受更优惠的税收政策。此外，现在也是那些为美国而非海外国家劳动力就业贡献力量的企业享受税收优惠的时候了。

　　众议院已经通过了一项包含上述部分内容的创造就业提案。作为今年工作的第一项职责，我将敦促参议院同样完成这项任务。人们处在失业之中，他们的生活深受影响，他们需要我们的帮助，我希望能尽快看到一份呈交给我的创造就业提案。

　　然而，我们不得不面对的事实是，即使采取这一系列措施，我们仍然无法完全弥补在过去两年中损失的700万个工作岗位。全面彻底解决就业困境唯一的途径就是为长期经济增长建立基础，并最终解决美国家庭多年来面临的问题。

　　我们已无法再一次担负所谓的经济膨胀。过去的这个10年，就业增长速度比以往任何一次经济膨胀时期都要慢得多，美国年庭的平均收入大幅下降而医疗保健费用和学费却创下了历史新高，所谓的繁荣不过是建立在房地产泡沫和金融领域的投机行为之上。

　　从我上任的那天起，就一直被告知，想彻底解决美国社会问题只是一种充满野心的构想，这种努力将会引起巨大争议，我们的政治体系已陷入僵局，所以我们需要做的只是暂缓困境，将一些极具挑战性的工作搁置起来。

　　对于那些持这种想法的人，我只想提出一个简单的问题：我们要等多久呢？美国的未来要被搁置多久呢？

　　可见，华盛顿要让我们再等几十年，即使情况已经变得越来越糟。中国选择经济改革而没有等待，德国没有等待，印度没有等待，这些国家都没有坐以待毙，他们重视数学和科学发展，重建国家基础设施，大举投资洁净能源建设，因为他们需要这些带来的工作岗位。

　　我不接受美国坐在世界第二的位置上。或许道路会很艰难，或许需要面对各种争议，但美国真的到了认真解决束缚我们发展的那些问题的时候了。

　　最先开始的一步将是金融体系改革。我并非存有私心希望惩罚银行业，我只是希望保护美国的经济。一个强劲的、健康的金融市场才能使企业合理获得信贷并实现就业创造，它将能引导家庭储蓄转变成增加收入的投资，但是，这一切只有在我们成功避免重复几乎致使整个经济体系崩溃的鲁莽行为前提下才会发生。

　　我们需要确保消费者和中产阶级家庭能够掌握做出理财决定所需的基本信息，我们不能允许金融机构再次冒险对整个经济体系造成威胁。

　　众议院已经通过了一份包含许多调整内容的金融体系改革提案，并且，游说人员也正在试图扼杀它。当然，我们不会让他们在这场斗争中获胜。如果最终提交给我的提案无法满足真正的改革需要，我将会将其退回。

　　其次，我们需要鼓励美国人的创新。去年，我们支出了历史上最多的一笔基础研究经费，用以投资研发世界上最便宜的太阳能电池以及能够杀死癌变细胞但同时不伤害健康细胞的医学治疗方法。我们可以看到去年投资在洁净能源领源带来的回报。北卡罗莱纳州的一家公司在全国范围内增加了1200个就业岗位生产高级电池，加利福尼亚州的企业也将增加1000名员工从事太阳能电池板的生产工作。

　　但要想创造更多这种洁净能源建设领域的工作，需要扩大生产，提高效率和改善激励机制，这意味着我们需要建立新一代安全而洁净的核能工厂，做出艰难的决定为石油和天然气开发提供近海区域，意味着要继续为先进生物燃料和洁净煤技术投资，当然，也意味着要通过一项包含激励政策的综合能源与气候法案，从而使洁净能源最终成为美国有利可图的一个产业。

　　我感谢众议院去年通过了这样一项法案。今年，我也热切希望参议院两党共同努力推动这项工作的进行。我知道或许会有人对我们在经济形势如此困难时期能否负担这种改变存有质疑，并且还有人在质疑关于气候变化的科学证据，但即使是对气象证据表示怀疑，但提高能源效率和建设洁净能源对美国发展无疑是正确的方向，因为，未来哪个国家能够引领洁净能源经济，哪个国家就能引领全球经济。我相信美国一定会是这个领袖国家。

　　第三，我们需要增加出口。因为出售到其它国家的产品越多，那么我们在美国本土提供的工作岗位就越多。所以今晚，我们制定了一个新的目标：将在未来五年实现出口总额翻一番，这一增长将会为美国创造200万的就业岗位。为了帮助实现这一目标，我们将会推行一项国家出口倡议并改革出口控制，帮助农场主和小型企业增加出口。

　　我们必须如竞争对手所做的那样积极寻找新的市场。如果其它国家纷纷达成贸易合作，而我们只能坐在一旁观望，这就等于在失去创造就业的机会。当然，在获取利益的同时，必须严格执行协议使合作者能够遵守贸易规则。我们将会加强与亚洲各国贸易伙伴之间的联系，比如韩国、巴拿马和哥伦比亚。

　　第四，我们需要为美国民众的教育和技能学习进行投资。

　　今年，我们已经打破了左翼和右翼之间的僵局共同通过了一项改善全国学校系统的计划。原因很简单，我们只奖赏成功者不奖赏失败者，我们愿意为改革投资而不会资助其维持现状。我们要从乡村社区到城市中心，激发学生在数学和科学方面的才华，改变那些毁掉许多美国年轻人未来的学校。21世经扶贫项目之一就是建设世界一流的教育。在美国，孩子能否成功不应取决于他们住在哪里。

　　更新初等和中等教育法案，我们将与国会合作，将改革方案扩大到全部五十个州。

　　在如今的经济形势下，高中学历将无法获得好的工作。我提请参议院考虑众议院的意见，重振社区大学，这将有利于工薪家庭子女的教育。这项法令将减轻大学教育的家庭负担，最终结束毫无保证的银行贷款投资。现在，让我们把这笔钱用于为承担大学费用的家庭提供一万美元的税收优惠。同时，目前就读的一百万学生毕业的时候，将只需要支付收入的十分之一来偿还学生贷款。二十年之后他们的负债将全部减免——如果在公共服务领域工作的话仅需十年。

　　在美国，没有人应该为就读大学而破产。所有大学都有帮助解决这个问题的义务，他们必须认真考虑降低学费。

　　现在，大学学费只是中产阶级沉重负担的一个方面。这就是为什么去年我认命副总统。这就是为什么我们几乎将儿童医疗税收优惠提高了一倍。这就使为什么给每一个工人提供退休帐户来让他们更方便地为退休储蓄。这就是为什么我们为那些为养老而担忧的人扩大税收优惠。这就是为什么我们竭力提高家庭最大投资 ——其住房的价值。我们去年采取的措施有力支撑了房屋市场，使数以百万计的美国人获得新的贷款，平均贷款支付减少了1500美元。今年我们将再次筹措资金为房屋所有者带来更便宜的贷款。

　　为了减轻中产家庭的负担，我们还必须进行医疗保险改革。让我们清楚一点，我选择这个问题并不是为了取得立法胜利。同时，很清楚的一点是我这么做也不是为了政治因素。

　　我着手医疗问题是因为我一直以来听到太多美国人依赖保险才能活下去，而有的病人没有医保，有的家庭即使有医保，一场疾病也能让全家破产。

　　经过近一个世纪的努力，美国人民现在比以往任何时候都更有保障。我们采取的措施将保护每一名美国人，免受保险业不良经营的危害。市场竞争将使小型公司和未投保的美国人有机会选择能力范围内的医疗计划。每一个保险计划都必须涵盖预防性医疗。再次，我必须感谢第一夫人米歇尔-奥巴马 (Michelle Obama)她今年发起了一项针对日益严重的儿童肥胖问题的全国性运动。

　　这些措施同时也保护已投保者保持他们的医疗计划和就诊医生。数以百万的家庭和公司的医疗成本和保险费将下降。根据国会预算办公室，这是一个独立组织，各党都把它作为国会工作成效的统计员，这些举措将在接下来的二十年中，将预算赤字减少1万亿美元。

　　尽管如此，这仍然是一个复杂问题。讨论越多，人民的怀疑就越多。我本应更多地向民众解释地更清楚，因为民众担心在所有的游说和妥协后，这些措施最后还能为美国人带来什么。

　　但我也知道这个问题还没有彻底解决。仍然会有人失去他们的保险，赤字增加，保险费提高，病人无法得到治疗，小型企业不投保，我与在座各位将与这些美国人站在一起。

　　我希望各位重新考虑我们的提议。许多医生、护士和医疗专家认为这些措施将极大改善现状，但是如果两党能提出更好的方案来降低保险费，减少赤字，覆盖未投保者和老年人保险，改善保险公司陋习，我也非常欢迎。我对国会的要求是：不要停止改革，我们的工作已接近完成，让我们尽力做到最后。

　　尽管医疗改革减少了赤字，仍不足以弥补金融问题带来的损失。这个问题给治理其他方面带来了困难，同时存在很多政治因素的考虑。

　　现在让我们来讨论一下政府开支。在上个十年初始，美国预算盈余超过2千亿美元。而在我就职之时，年预算赤字超过了1万亿美元，预计下个十年的预算赤字超过8万亿美元。绝大部分原因是没有两次战争、两次税收减免、以及昂贵的处方药体系。除此之外，这次经济衰退给我们带来了3万亿美元的预算漏洞。这就是我来之前的情况。

　　如果在平常时期就职，我将立即开始削减赤字。但处于金融危机之中，防止第二次萧条的措施增加了1万亿美元债务。我认为这是必需的。全国人民不得不勒紧裤腰带。联邦政府也同样。所以现在，我将提议一系列举措来弥补这1万亿美元。

　　从2011年起三年内，政府将冻结开支。但国家安全、医疗和社会保险不受影响。我们将节省一切不必要开支。

　　我们将逐项减少不必要的项目。现在已经为下一年节约出了200亿美元。中产家庭的税收优惠将扩大到工薪家庭。但石油公司、投资基金经理以及年收入超过25万美元的人将不再有税收优惠。这是我们所负担不起的。

　　然而，医疗保险、医疗补助以及社会保险的开支仍会大幅提高。我已经发起两党共同成立财政委员会，这是共和党贾德-格雷格(Judd Gregg)和民主党肯特-康拉德(Kent Conrad)的一项提议。这个委员会将在规定时间内提出一系列切实可行的具体措施。昨天，上院否决了此提议。因此我将签发行政令让其通过，否则我们将不得不把问题留给下一代。

　　我知道党内许多人认为在现在这个危机时期不能冻结政府开支。我同意这一点，因此这个法令将延至下一年开始，那时情况会好起来。但是如果我们不采取这些措施来减轻债务，市场将被破坏、借债成本将提高，我们的复苏将受到影响——所有这些都会影响工作岗位和家庭收入。

　　也有人提出，如果我们减少对百姓的投入、将税收优惠扩大到更富裕的美国人、取消行政限制、保持医疗现状，赤字就会消失。可问题是，我们八年来一直是这么做的，却被带进了金融危机和巨大的赤字。现在我们不能再这么做了。

　　我们必须停止争论、开始改革。为此我们必须到我们面临的不光是赤字问题。我们还面临着对政府信心不足的问题。为了重树信心，我们必须对说客说不，必须公开政务。这就是我就职以来所做的。这就是为什么历史上首次进行了网上参观白宫，为什么我们拒绝让说客担任政府职务。

　　但是这些还不够。必须要求说客公开他们与国会或行政部门的联系，必须严格限制他们对联邦办公室候选人竞选的参与。

　　我也要求国会继续特别款项改革，我们已经削减了部分开支，但为了重新赢得民众信任，我们必须做的更多。

　　当然，如果我们不改善两党关系，这些改革都无法实现。

　　我对两党的分歧状况早有准备。其中一些分歧是由政治理念造成的，已经存在了二百余年，这正代表了我们的民主精神。但是争论不休只能让人民失望。我们的目的不是为了让对手失败。我们绝不应滥用手中的权力。我们要做的是服务人民，否则只能导致民众对政府失去信心。

　　我们的当务之急是治理国家，而不是竞选活动。我要提醒民主党人，我们在数十年内仍将占大多数，如果民主党领导人坚持上院60票才能通过任何法令，那么治理国家的任务你们也有份。否决一切法令也许在短期内从政治角度看来可以，但是我们来这里是为了服务人民，而不是为了满足我们的政治雄心。

　　在我国历史上，没有什么比国家安全更能团结大家的。然而，9/11以来的团结力量正在消失。我们可以互相责备，但我对纠缠于过去没有兴趣。我知道我们所有人都热爱祖国。所有人都效忠于国家。所以让我们停止保护人民还是拥护信念的错误争论。让我们抛开分歧，不计一切代价地保护国家，开创更光明的未来——为了美国也为了世界。

　　这就是我们从去年开始做的工作。从我就职开始，我们重新开始关注威胁国家安全的恐怖主义势利。我们下大力气加强国防、瓦解阴谋破坏。我们增强了航空安全，提高了情报反应速度。我们禁止拷打犯人。我们加强与亚太区、南亚和阿拉伯半岛的合作关系。基地组织数百名成员被逮捕或枪毙，远超2008年。

　　我们在阿富汗增加了部队，并培训阿富汗安全武装，这样他们就可以在2011年7月以后独立工作，我们的部队也就可以回家了。我们将奖励好的政府行为、减少腐败、维护所有阿富汗男人和女人的权利。我们的伙伴也在增加他们在阿富汗的投入，明天在伦敦大家将重新讨论共同目标。前面的道路并不平坦。但我相信我们最终会取得成功。

　　在我们对抗基地组织的同时，我们负责任地将伊拉克留给了它的人民。在我竞选的时候就承诺将停止这场战争，现在我也要这么做。今年8月底我们将撤回所有部队。我们将继续支持伊拉克政府，帮助伊拉克人民争取和平和发展。但是必须明确：这场战争已经结束，所有的部队都将撤回。

　　今晚，我们向所有军人——不管在伊拉克、阿富汗还是全世界任何地方传达我们的敬意、感激和支持。在他们回国之后我们将全力照顾他们。我们已经提高了退伍军人的费用，这是数十年来最大的一次。米歇尔也与吉尔-拜登(Jill Biden)一起发起了一个全国组织来扶助军属。

　　即使经历了两场战争，美国仍然面临着最大威胁——核武器。为减少核武器同时保持威慑力，美国和俄国二十年来一直在进行谈判。在四月的核安全峰会上，我们将与四十四个国家一同达成清晰目标：用四年时间处理好所有核材料以防落入恐怖分子手中。

　　这些外交措施也有助于对抗那些违反国际公约的国家。这就是为什么朝鲜现在正面临越来越多的制裁。这就是为什么伊朗正逐渐被孤立。如果伊朗政府继续无视他们的义务，那么他们毫无疑问必须承担后果。

　　我们以此来带领所有人类争取安全与发展。我们通过G-20会议来引领全球经济复苏。我们与穆斯林国家一起促进科学、教育和创新。我们开始带头对抗气候变化，而不再旁观。我们帮助发展中国家自力更生，并继续对抗艾滋。我们还将颁布新的法令对抗生化恐怖和传染病。

　　60年以来我们一直在采取这些行动，因为我们的命运与他们相连。这同时也是为了正义。这就是为什么现在1万名美国人正在海地帮助当地重建。我们支持阿富汗女孩上学，支持伊朗妇女外出，支持几内亚年轻人反对贪污。美国必须永远站在自由和人权的一边。

　　在国外，我们的力量来自我们的理念。国内也同样。每个人生而平等。无论你是谁，是什么肤色，只要你遵守法律就应得到法律保护，只要你坚持我们的共同信念就应被平等对待。

　　我们必须不断确保这项承诺。我有一个人权部门处理反人权和雇佣歧视。我们后来针对仇恨引起的犯罪加强了法律。今年，我将与国会和军事机构一起探讨废除禁止同性恋入伍的法令。我们将支持同工同酬，妇女必须得到同样的待遇。我们必须继续改善漏洞百出的移民制度，以保护国界、加强法律，确保每个遵守法律的人都能为国家和经济发展做出贡献。

　　是我们的信念铸造了美国，将各个民族团结在一起。他们富有责任、乐于帮助、热爱祖国。他们以自己的劳动而荣，他们慷慨大度。这不是共和党或民主党的信念，这不是商业或劳动信念。这是美国人的信念。

　　遗憾的是，太多的美国人失去了对企业、对媒体、对政府的信念。这些组织都在从事着重要的工作来振兴国家。但是某些自私的CEO和银行家让民众开始怀疑。说客的干预和政党的争论不休让民众失去信心。这就是为什么现在有那么多的失望和冷嘲热讽。

　　我的竞选承诺是改变。我知道现在有许多美国人怀疑我们是否能改变，或我是否能领导改变。但是请记住，我从不认为改变是轻而易举的，或我一个人可以完成的。在一个有三亿人口的国家，民主可能意味着争论和复杂局面，大的改变必然引起大的争论，事情就是这样。

　　我们可以避免谈论残酷的事实，尽最大力量争取下届选票，将事情留给下一代去做，但是我知道：如果人们在50年前、100年前或200年前决定这么做的话，就没有我们的今天。每一代美国人都责无旁贷的付出了艰苦的努力，才让他们后代的美国梦成为了现实。

　　我们的政策今年遇到了很多困难，但我知道每个美国家庭也都在经历困难。我们将继续努力，因为美国人民的坚强和乐观永存。开创美国两百年历史的精神就存在于每一位美国人民。

　　我们刚度过了艰苦的一年。我们经历了一个艰苦的十年。但是新的一年来到了。一个新的十年就在前面。我们不会停止。我不会停止。让我们把握现在，继续我们的理想，再次振兴我们的祖国。

　　谢谢！上帝保佑你们。上帝保佑美国
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Obama's state of the union speech 2010

Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.

It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable -- that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.

Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted -- immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.

But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.

This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades -- the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.

So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children -- asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.

For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.

So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope -- what they deserve -- is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.

You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."

It's because of this spirit -- this great decency and great strength -- that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. (Applause.) Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength. (Applause.)
And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.

It begins with our economy.

Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it -- (applause.) I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. (Laughter.)

But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular -- I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.

So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. (Applause.) Most but not all.

To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. (Applause.) Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need. (Applause.)

Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed.

That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.

Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families. (Applause.) We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. (Applause.)

I thought I'd get some applause on that one. (Laughter and applause.)

As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime. (Applause.)

Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. (Applause.) Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. (Applause.) And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. (Applause.) That's right -- the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill. (Applause.) Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it. Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.

There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight. (Applause.)

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. (Applause.) But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.

We should start where most new jobs do -- in small businesses, companies that begin when -- (applause) -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the country, even those that are making a profit.

So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. (Applause.) I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit
-- one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. (Applause.) While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment. (Applause.)

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. (Applause.) From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.

Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. (Applause.) There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services, and information. (Applause.)

We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities -- (applause) -- and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. (Applause.) And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America. (Applause.)

Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. (Applause.) As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will. (Applause.) They will. (Applause.) People are out of work. They're hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay. (Applause.)

But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.

We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade -- what some call the "lost decade" -- where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.

From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for a while.

For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? (Applause.)

You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China is not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany is not waiting. India is not waiting. These nations -- they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs. Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America. (Applause.)

As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.

Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. (Applause.) We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.

Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. (Applause.) And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cannot let them win this fight. (Applause.) And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right. (Applause.)

Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history -- (applause) -- an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investments in clean energy -- in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. (Applause.) It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. (Applause.) It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. (Applause.) And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America. (Applause.)

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. (Applause.) And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. (Applause.)

I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But here's the thing -- even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future -- because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation. (Applause.)

Third, we need to export more of our goods. (Applause.) Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. (Applause.) So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. (Applause.) To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security. (Applause.)

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. (Applause.) But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. (Applause.) And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia. (Applause.)

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. (Applause.)

Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. (Applause.) And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.

When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. (Applause.)

To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. (Applause.) Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. (Applause.) And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years -- and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. (Applause.)

And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs -- (applause) -- because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment -- their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.

This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. (Applause.) And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. (Applause.) Yes, we do. (Applause.)

Now, let's clear a few things up. (Laughter.) I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. (Laughter.) I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families -- even those with insurance -- who are just one illness away from financial ruin.

After nearly a century of trying -- Democratic administrations, Republican administrations -- we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.

And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. (Applause.) Thank you. She gets embarrassed. (Laughter.)

Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office -- the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress -- our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades. (Applause.)

Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in it for me?"

But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber. (Applause.)

So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. (Applause.) Let me know. Let me know. (Applause.) I'm eager to see it.

Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. (Applause.) Let's get it done. Let's get it done. (Applause.)

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.

At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. (Applause.) By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in the door. (Laughter and applause.)

Now -- just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a fact.

I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. (Applause.) So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.

Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. (Applause.) Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. (Applause.)

We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it. (Applause.)

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. (Applause.) This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.

Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. (Applause.) And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s. (Applause.)

Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree -- which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year -- (laughter) -- when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. (Laughter and applause.) But understand -- understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery -- all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.

From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument -- that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is that's what we did for eight years. (Applause.) That's what helped us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again.

Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense. (Laughter.) A novel concept.

To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust -- deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue -- to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve. (Applause.)

That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why -- for the first time in history -- my administration posts on our White House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs, or seats on federal boards and commissions.

But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.

With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special interests -- including foreign corporations -- to spend without limit in our elections. (Applause.) I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. (Applause.) They should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these problems.

I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. Applause.) Democrats and Republicans. (Applause.) Democrats and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this spending, you've embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. (Applause.) Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent. (Applause.)

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another. Now, I'm not naïve. I never thought that the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony -- (laughter) -- and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They're the very essence of our democracy.

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other side -- a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of -- (applause) -- I'm speaking to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators. (Applause.)

Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it's sowing further division among our citizens, further distrust in our government.

So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern.

To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the hills. (Applause.) And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town -- a supermajority -- then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. (Applause.) Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. (Applause.) So let's show the American people that we can do it together. (Applause.)

This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't wait. (Laughter.)

Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who's tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future -- for America and for the world. (Applause.)

That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence. We've prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed -- far more than in 2008.

And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. (Applause.) We will reward good governance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans -- men and women alike. (Applause.) We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. (Applause.) We will support the Iraqi government -- we will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home. (Applause.)

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform -- in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and around the world -- they have to know that we -- that they have our respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. (Applause.) That's why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades -- last year. (Applause.) That's why we're building a 21st century VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families. (Applause.)

Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people -- the threat of nuclear weapons. I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. (Applause.) And at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in Washington, D.C. behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists. (Applause.)

Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions -- sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That's why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: They, too, will face growing consequences. That is a promise. (Applause.)

That's the leadership that we are providing -- engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We're working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease -- a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.

As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. (Applause.) That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; why we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity. (Applause.) Always. (Applause.)

Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we're all created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.

We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. (Applause.) We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. (Applause.) This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. (Applause.) It's the right thing to do. (Applause.)

We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws -- so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work. (Applause.) And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system -- to secure our borders and enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nation. (Applause.)

In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America -- values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that they're living by; business values or labor values. They're American values.

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions -- our corporations, our media, and, yes, our government -- still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.

No wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's so much disappointment.

I campaigned on the promise of change -- change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change -- or that I can deliver it.

But remember this -- I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.

Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation.

But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago, or 100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and their grandchildren.

Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going -- what keeps me fighting -- is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people, that lives on.

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, "None of us," he said, "...are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail."

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We are resilient. We are American."

It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti.

And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!" when another life was saved.

The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit. (Applause.) Let's seize this moment -- to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more. (Applause.)

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)